The Modern Malandro in Rap Music

Thomas Herrick & Connor Dickey

The Modern Malandro in Rap Music

Male homosociality, or as Dr. Gandara and our class coined it, the “bros before hoes” mentality, is a central theme in Noel Rosa’s idea of “Brazilianness.” According to Merriam-Webster dictionary, to be homosocial is “of, relating to, or involving social relationships between persons of the same sex and especially between men.” This idea that a man’s place in the social sphere lies with other men is not exclusive to Noel Rosa’s sambas. Indeed, even today, Noel Rosa’s malandro lives on in rap music, both that of the U.S. and otherwise. This connection can be made through the pair’s similar standpoints on women and on identity.
“If you’re having girl problems I feel bad for you son, I got 99 problems but a bitch ain’t one” is the iconic opening line to Jay-Z’s hugely successful hit “99 Problems.” The blatantly misogynistic line is not alone in its disdain for the “problem” of having a “girl.” Many of today’s top “gangster-rap” artists play to this idea. In this genre, there has been a  movement towards “Money Over Bitches,” coined by 2Pac and adopted by various artists over the years. This phrase is not exclusive to money; it is the conglomeration of financial success, a strong reputation, and a credible identity. This idea is similar to that of Noel Rosa’s, though the values do differ in some ways. While Noel Rosa sees value in the malandro lifestyle of belittling the importance of a mulata in men’s lives because he thinks they are a distraction to his music (McCann), many gangster-rappers see women as valueless almost entirely, other than for materialistic purposes (sex, bragging rights). Noel Rosa does not convey such intense misogyny in his lyrics. He simply doesn’t want to be strayed from his musical path by the fiscal demands of a wife and family. Gangster-rap music often represents women as hypersexualized “gold diggers” who are not to be trusted, while those men within their cliques, or their “homies,” are the only ones they can begin to trust (Oware). In both cases, a mistrusting misogyny reigns supreme.

On the other hand, the Amelias described in later sambas share an uncanny similarity to the “bad bitches,” or “bottom “bitches,” described by gangster rap. This is a female who will be there for the man, even in the harshest of conditions, and will be faithful to him alone, almost to the point of unquestioning servitude. These Amelias are expected to go out and make a living while the man stays home, defending the honor of his family and creating sambas. In a way, one might argue that much of Carmen Miranda’s lovability with those in Brazil was through her love of samba and willingness to go out and make a name and fortune for herself while the men created music for her. On the other hand, one might beg the question; would Noel Rosa have agreed with the idea of Amelias, or with Carmen Miranda’s “exporting” of samba? Clearly, she is not inhibiting the men from creating samba. However, many felt that she “sold out” in a sense, especially when she bid her Brazilian audience “good night” in English (Solberg). Still, she rebutted these accusations with a song reassuring the people of her love of samba and all things Brazil.

It is in the pursuit of samba creation, and maintaining of honor and identity that Rosa finds the Brazilian man’s identity. Noel Rosa believed that “if he does not remain close to his roots he will succumb to the absurdity of dancing fox trot, instead of samba, thereby turning his back on true nature,” This goes along with Rosa’s description of what the state of Brazilianness is. He claims that it is an endangered state which is constantly threatened by outsiders and “bad Brazilians,” (McCann). Rosa wanted to use homosociality as a vaccine against the pressures of “good women,” that wanted men to get a job and stop playing music. He believed that to maintain the distinct culture of his country he would have to preserve the samba. He pushed homosociality because he believed that, as we discussed in class, homosociality, and the malandros’ samba, unified Brazilians racially and regionally in a common cause.

Noel Rosa’s ideas of nationalism and gangster-rap’s stress on origins and identity are similar and different in a few ways. Rosa emphasizes his practicing of samba skills and performing petty crimes to sustain his passion for music, while gangster rap is almost completely the opposite. Rappers use their music to brag about how much money they make from these crimes. In Noel Rosa’s view, the petty crimes are justified through the preservation of Brazil’s culture through his music. In gangster rap, the music is justified by the rappers’ “street cred” gained from how ruthless his crimes are. This is a fundamental disconnect in the ideologies of the two genres. For Noel Rosa, the crimes are a means to an end, while for rappers, the crimes are in end in and of themselves.

However, the two share a common ground when it comes to identity. Noel Rosa believes that the malandro and the idea of true Brazilianness is from and of the favelas:

“The favelas and streets of Rio are the source of a culture that is irreducibly Brazilian, and therefore resistant to foreign influence.” (McCann)

Rosa grew up in a middle-class neighborhood, but sought out the poor districts where he found adventure and dealt with taxi-drivers, prostitutes and  petty criminals. He learned to appreciate the slums and saw them as a simple and pure representation of Brazilian culture. However, because he was not from the favelas, he was accused of being hypocritical in his identifying with and portrayals of malandros in his sambas. Gangster-rap also identifies with the slums. If a rapper is not from the “ghetto” or “projects,” he or she is discredited because the identity of the artist does not match that of the music. In this way, the idea of “Brazilianness” lying in the streets and slums is reflected in American gangster-rap.
In class, we discussed the similarity between the malandro and the American “cowboy.” Neither are bound to any person in particular, and neither hold any official job requiring them to work any more than they want to. Yet, somehow, they both get by and hold a “folk hero” status because of it. I would argue that today, gangster-rap’s “heros” have replaced the cowboy. While the values and associations we make between the hero and the space he inhabits have changed, the idea has stayed the same; he is independent, untrusting, and (when necessary) ruthless. The malandro, on the other hand, holds a different set of ideals. His soul lies with the samba. It is because of this that he is wary of women and their ability to draw men away from their “duty” to create samba. Whereas the misogynistic gangster-rap values material goods and “street-cred,” Rosa’s malandro believes that “Samba is pure and noble, money and society are vulgar and corrupt.” So then, one might ask the question; is Rosa a misogynist? Or is he simply passionate about his beloved samba?

Works Cited

Carmen Miranda: Bananas Is My Business. Dir. Helena Solberg. Channel Four Films,

1995.

"Homosocial." Merriam-Webster. Merriam-Webster, Web. 26 Feb. 2013.

McCann, Bryann. "Noel Rosa's Nationalistic Logic." University of Wisconsin Press.

Oware, Matthew. "Brotherly Love: Homosociality and Black Masculinity in Gangsta Rap
Music - Springer." Brotherly Love: Homosociality and Black Masculinity in Gangsta Rap Music - Springer. Springer Science + Business Media, 01 Mar. 2011. Web. 26 Feb. 2013.