Chico’s Beat: “A Praieira” Through the Lense of Recife History and The Mangue Beat Movement. By Julie McDonald and Liane Knapp

Julie McDonald/Liane Knapp

BWS/MUS204 Final

Paula Gandara

9 December 2015

Chico’s Beat:

“A Praieira” Through the Lense of Recife History and The Mangue Beat Movement.

In the 20th century, there were many developments in Brazilian popular music.  In the mid-1990s, in Pernambuco, mangue beat began to develop.  Artists associated with this movement identified with the cultural roots of the northeast, but refused to remain “premodern”.  That is, they wanted to take their roots and expand them into the present through global pop ideas.  “The mangue beat movement explicitly sought to forge a new musical aesthetic by mixing US popular music forms (funk, rock, metal, punk, rap & hip-hop) and world-beat influences with a variety of musical traditions from northeastern Brazil, especially the percussion-heavy Afro-Pernambucan Carnival tradition known as maracatu de baque virado, or the turned-around beat” (233).  In order to understand these roots though, we must look at the history behind the music.

While the origin of the word maracatu isn’t clear, the history behind the concept known as maracatu is.  During the 17th century, Catholic churches wanted to bring black Brazilians into the religion and sought to attract them through their love of music and “grandiose positions”.  They allowed the election of black kings and queens (the “King of the Congo” or “Rei de Angola”).  These kings and queens acted as mediators between while masters and the enslaved blacks.  They helped keep order while presiding over black religious and secular activities.  During festivities outside of the church, the blacks processed with their kings and queens dressed in regal attire and held dramatic dances with African drumming and singing. The Church was okay with African practices as long as they didn’t directly conflict with the Catholic religion.  However, the separation of black and white churches became the mechanism for maintaining African practices under the disguise of Catholicism.  

During the 19th century, the African processions started facing public opposition. The drumming was called “barbaric beating” and seen as threatening.  It is speculated that the term maracatu originated as a representation of the sound of the drumming.  There were many diverse groups, though, and each had its own practices.  “The diversity of African ethnic groups in Brazil and the maintenance of their associated religious practices and cultural identities along ethnic lines led to the designation of these processional groups and to specific Afro-Brazilian houses as nações (nations)” (235).  These groups further became known as nações de maracatu.  After the abolition of slavery in 1888, maracatu nations began performing in Recife’s Carnival street parades.  Their procession of royal courts dressed in European regal attire and the deep sound of the powerful drumming became fixtures in the parades.

In the 1970s there was an increase in black consciousness of the historical legacies of slavery and post-abolition racial discrimination.  There was a sort of Renaissance of African culture spreading through Brazil.  At the center was Salvador, Bahia.  From this renaissance of sorts, afoxe was revived, blocos afros emerged, and the 1980s musical style samba-reggae developed, a style that served as a potent symbol of black identity among young Bahian blacks that spread to other Brazilian cities, including Recife, Pernambuco.  There (in Recife), groups similar to Bahia’s blocos afros began to emerge.  At first, these groups were met with criticism and xenophobic opposition.  There was hesitation to participate from middle-class people due to the historic link to African-based religious practices and lower-class aesthetics.  That is, until the new music began to relate to social awareness of issues regarding race and class, which is what the mangue beat movement tried to maintain as well.

The performative style of maracatu became a means to teach and maintain knowledge about African heritage, the legacy of slavery, and the discrimination and socioeconomic inequality the existed post-abolition.  The music is typically polyrhythmic, featuring a gongue articulating a syncopated rhythm around which all of the other layers are organized, a constant stream of notes on a mineiro and tarol, and a highly syncopated against-the-beat groove on alfaia or bombos.

Much of the characteristics of maracatu can be seen in the song “A Praieira” by the spearheaders of the movement, Chico Science and Nação Zumbi, especially in videos from live performances.  You can clearly see the use of three maracatu drums, as well as a tarol.  The polyrhythm is complex and underlies the entire song, but the beat is still capable of being followed and therefore danced to.  It is also easy to see the elements of the mangue beat movement in this song.  Just seconds into the song you can hear the use of electric guitar, electric bass, and a drumset.  These are all elements of US popular music styles that have been incorporated into the traditional Brazilian maracatu music.

The lyrics of the song are a testament to the attitude of the Mangue beat movement itself. Entitled, “A Praieira”, it refers to the Praieira revolt of 1848-1849 in Pernambuco. This liberal revolution is a critical element of Recife’s social and political history, and represents a unification of the region’s common people in response to international influences; particularly that of the recently successful French Revolution. Increased global awareness inspires Brazilians to strive for advancement, and applies ideals from overseas to their own culture and circumstances. In this sense, the Praieira Revolt is a veritable historic representation for the Mangue Beat Movement in the 1990s. The movement strives to interpret the globalized popular music genre with the most simultaneously traditional and untamed Brazilian rhythmic flavor of maracatu.

In addition to the Praieira revolt, the Ciranda appears as a critical theme of the song. A simple dance of the beaches (especially those of Pernambuco), it represents the working class historic culture in the Northeastern region, given the nature of its participants, and the general locations for its occurrence. The dances were generally held only in working-class public meeting places like beaches and bars, and the dancers most often worked in agriculture and other forms of manual labor. The dance operates with a basic idea of unity and inclusion, welcoming “latecomers” into the circle of held hands, and treating increasing and excessive numbers with a simple, concentric circles solution. Its message is stated as simply, “happiness for all:” a clear parallel to the ideas of unification and equality surrounding the Praieira Revolt, as well as a representation of Recife’s sense of union through Mangue Beat in the face of globalization and the modern world. Chico Science’s movement welcomes all who share in its message and ideology, to join in the movement and contribute their own creations, just as the circle opens its arms to newcomers; and just as the circle continues when a participant leaves, so does the movement continue after Chico’s tragic death (in a car accident at only 30 years old).

Coming from modest means and a history of manual labor in the mangroves, Chico Science personifies the type of Brazilian to whom his movement caters, and his perspective is filled with insight into the life, history and culture of Recife. In “A Praieira,” he paints a picture of people joined together in a ciranda on the beach, just at the ocean’s edge. Looking out into the world beyond their borders, people have come together to dance this Pernambuco children’s dance of freedom, solidarity, and happiness. This, he says, is Praieira. This is the revolution. While there are borders within which they are confined, and obstacles of traditionalism, xenophobia, and oppression which they face, they recognize the importance of recognizing and remembering the past in order to move forward. While he “remembers the revolution”, he remarks, “there are frontiers in the gardens of reason.” There are still frontiers to be crossed and explored. There are advancements to be made, and the world must continue to change for the better as we look to the future. This is the musical movement’s inherent philosophy. Sparked by an age of cultural stagnance, it embodies the combination of a modern desire to move forward, with the Brazilian prioritization of authenticity. Mangue Beat acknowledges the past without dwelling in it, and in the process creates another “revolution” of life and culture in Recife, and Brazil at large.

Bibliography

Barnett, Paul. "Mangue Bit: A Music Movement with National Impact." Recife Guide.

Wordpress/Pearl Travel Guides, 29 Sept. 2009. Web. 9 Dec. 2015.

"Ciranda - Regional Dance or Pernambuco." The Recife Guide. City of Recife, n.d. Web.

9 Dec. 2015. <http://www.recifeguide.com/culture/ciranda.html>.

Crook, Larry. "Turned-Around Beat: Maracatu De Baque Virado and Chico Science."

Brazilian Popular Music & Globalization. By Charles A. Perrone and Christopher

Dunn. New York: Routledge, 2002. 233-43. Print.

L., Renato. "Chico Science, Biography." Memorial Chico Science. City of Recife Culture

Foundation, n.d. Web. 9 Dec. 2015. <http://www.recife.pe.gov.br/chicoscience/>.

"Praieira Revolt." Wikipedia. Wikimedia Foundation, n.d. Web. 08 Dec. 2015.

"Revolução Praieira." Sua Pesquisa.com. N.p., n.d. Web. 08 Dec. 2015

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_f1tq6lutF8

The Fashion Industry and Women in Brazil, by Kat Wallace and Maranda Jordan

Kat Wallace (Writer)

Maranda Jordan (Editor)

POR/BWS 383

10/28/2015      

   

The Fashion Industry and Women in Brazil

            The fashion industry is one that would normally be considered a female dominated industry. In the United States, that is a primarily true statement with designers such as Betsey Johnson, Donatella Versace, and Stella McCartney gracing positions in the top ten fashion designers. However, in Brazil[1] , the idea of the fashion industry as a female dominated field is a different story.

            During the research of famous fashion designers in Brazil, the only results were those of men and their designs. In the article, Top Ten Brazilian Fashion Designers to Watch, nine out of the ten were men with only one female making the list of top designers.[2]  This is a surprising article for many reasons, the first being that women outnumber men in Brazil about 100 to 86.5, meaning for every ”100 ladies…there are a mere 86.4 males” (Brones 1)[3] , on average. Given this information, the United States is only fifty-one percent female, but the number of women fashion designers greatly outnumbers those in Brazil. Before understanding gender roles, we must first understand the industry itself. The fashion industry in Brazil, “encompasses over 30,000 formal companies that together move BRL 50 billion per year. The employee count is more than 1.7 million, of which 75% are women” (Farah 1). Additionally, cost of production is very high in Brazil, which serves as a deterrent to domestic textile production. Most production of textiles takes place in China, leading to higher rates of imports rather than domestic production. Furthermore, Brazilian brands are partnering with Programa de Exportação da Indústria da Moda Brasileira, which helps to export the brands created by Brazilian companies including nine different target markets and over 321 companies registered. Among those companies are Havaianas and Osklen. Havaianas is a sandal company owned and created by Robert Fraser and operates in Brazil; Havaianas is widely considered the most successful Brazilian company abroad. Osklen is a brand created by one of the designers on the Top Ten Designers to Watch, Oskar Metsavaht. This company produces sportswear and is advertised by models like Gisele Bunchden. Designers that are considered successful in Brazil [4] include Carlos Miele, Alexandre Herchcovitch, Reinaldo Lourenço and Ronaldo Fraga, all men; the only female fashion designer that appeared in the research was Barbara Casasola, who is not yet internationally acclaimed.

            Though male designers are the ones with their names on the labels and brands, women are involved in the fashion industry, just not at the forefront. In the article by Jorge Grimberg, Three Women Behind the Scenes of Brazil’s Fashion Industry, he notes three women who are highly successful, not in the fashion industry, but more for supporting the fashion industry. Alice Ferraz is the first woman listed and she’s made her money in the public relations of fashion. She handles over seventy different brands and is described in this article as “the connector”. Natalie Klein is woman number two and her claim to fame [5] came from collecting pieces of fashion for fashion shows; she is known as “the curator”. Last, but not least, is Constanza Pascolato who writes a fashion column for Brazil Vogue and she is known as “the muse”.[6]  Additionally, the article states, “For many, Brazil’s body culture, eternal summer, and supermodels — not to mention its successful bids to host both the 2014 World Cup and the 2016 Olympic Games — make it the sexiest of all the BRIC countries” (Grimberg 1), which leads to the support the industry receives from supermodels. Of course, everyone knows Gisele, but other Brazilian supermodels include Adriana Lima, Cintia Dicker, Camila Alves, and Alessandra Ambrosio. These beautiful ladies spend their days walking the runways of the world’s top brands, including the brands born in Brazil. Though they have become their own brands, these models still lend their faces and their names to the brands created by the designers. In this way, the male designers in Brazil are still the ones receiving the attention for the fashion.  

            The fashion industry is an industry that many see as a woman’s industry. However,[7]  this idea is the opposite with men dominating the entire fashion industry of Brazil.[8]  More often than not, men are responsible for designing the brands and clothing in Brazil, and many of them are internationally known. These designers and the fashion industry are supported by women in fields such as public relations, purchasing, writing, and modeling. Although these women are heavily involved in the industry, they are not often household names, lending their hard work to the success of the male designers. The supermodels who model these designs become icons and their success only bolsters those of the designers themselves. Throughout this research, it has become apparent that the fashion industry is a male dominated field supported by women behind the scenes.

Works Cited

Brones, Anna. “Rio: Women outnumber men on the beaches of string bikinis.” Brazil. Gadling, 21 Jan. 2008. Web. 27 Oct. 2015. <http://gadling.com/2008/01/21/rio-women-outnumber-men-on-the-beaches-of-string-bikinis/>.

Farah, Ana. “The Fashion Industry in Brazil.” The Brazil Business. The Brazil Business, 22 Jan. 2014. Web. 27 Oct. 2015. <http://thebrazilbusiness.com/article/fashion-industry-in-brazil>.

Freeland, Lucy. “Top 10 Brazilian fashion designers to watch.” The Culture Trip. 2015. Web. 27 Oct. 2015. <http://theculturetrip.com/south-america/brazil/articles/top-10-brazilian-fashion-designers-to-watch/>.

Grimberg, Jorge. “Three women behind the scenes of brazil’s fashion industry.” Global Currents. The Business of Fashion, 11 Apr. 2012. Web. 27 Oct. 2015. <http://www.businessoffashion.com/articles/global-currents/three-women-behind-the-scenes-of-brazils-fashion-industry-2>.

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Beauty Standards, Ariana Carver, Julia Rivera

Ariana Carver, Julia Rivera

Prof. Gandara

WGS/BWS 383

28 October 2015

Beauty Standards

            Beauty comes in all shapes and sizes, colors and hues, and lengths and widths. Each culture and society has their own unique standards of of beauty.  In Asian countries, it is considered beautiful to have extremely pale skin.  In African countries, heavy set women are considered more desirable.  History and literature have repeatedly reminded us that European standards of beauty have infiltrated many cultures and have dominated the beauty market.  Media surrounding beauty has caused many women of color to doubt their worth and beauty because of these standards.  Women have turned to cosmetic plastic surgery to alter their appearances.  The ideas and culture behind cosmetic plastic surgery in the United States and Brazil is changing they way women feel about their bodies.  In today’s society there are physical differences in white, African American and Afro-Brazilian bodies, however, these differences are perceived and valued differently in their perspective countries.

When you imagine the most beautiful woman, how does she look?  Many would argue that it depends on which ethnicity you are picturing. When asked to imagine the ideal body of a woman, the current desires are long lean legs, flat stomach, moderate hip width, a petite rear end and a proportional bust.  Tracey Owens Patton, author of Hey Girl, Am I More than My Hair says, “Beauty is subject to hegemonic standards of the ruling class.  Because of this, ‘beauty is an elusive commodity’” (Patton 25).  In American history black beauty has struggled to find its strength in society.  Society tells African American women that they are only beautiful if they are, “nearly indistinguishable from a woman…” (Patton 26).  This means straight hair, smaller facial features and lighter skin.  The bodies of black women are starkly different as well, being larger in most areas such as hips, thighs, and butt.  Throughout the ages black women have struggled to define their own beauty and be recognized as beautiful.  They are overly sexualized in the media and are often disregarded when one thinks of standard American beauty.  

As we have discussed in class, white western culture has also infiltrated Brazilian women and their beauty standards.  The article about top model Emanuela de Paula is an example how women of African descent struggle to find their beauty.  De Paula talks about how she had to prove her beauty to her country because she did not fit the fair skin/straight hair mold of the typical Brazilian model.  On top of being black, she was also poor which was displayed in her appearance during the beginning of her career.  Even when she became more successful her peers continued to questioned or insulted her beauty.  She tells a story about how one of her colleagues called her a “macaca” meaning monkey, mocking her African features. She says in spite of “all of her experiences and everything that she was were reduced to ‘macaca’ (blackwomenofbrazil.co).  In American, often times African American women will buy products to straighten their hair because it’s not straight enough or lighten their skin because it’s too dark yet they are still not considered beautiful in the eyes of society.  This can be seen when African American women are told they’re “pretty for a black girl.” The addition of “for a black girl” shows how African American girls and women are not considered as beautiful as white women. People do not say “you’re pretty for a white girl” it’s simply “you’re pretty.”

Plastic surgery has become very popular with women who are not happy with the bodies they were born with.  Plastic surgery used to be used primarily for people with serious deformities and birth defects, but today cosmetic plastic surgery occurs more frequently.  Some women go to extreme lengths in order attain the features or bodies they desire.  There has been a rapid growth in the Brazilian cosmetic plastic surgery industry. Alexander Edmonds, author of The Poor Have a Right to be Beautiful, explains why he believes that more middle or lower class women are desiring plastic surgery.  He states that a run-down clinic offers free plastica,plastic surgery, and “a right to beauty is celebrated in a country where human rights are disparaged…”(Edmonds 365).  Edmonds notes that American media does not present Brazilian cosmetic surgery in a good way, but that Brazilians are excited about its recent growth in their country.  

Throughout the article Edmonds discusses about how he believes that the plastic surgery boom in Brazil is pushed by capitalism and the desire for “social mobility, glamour, and modernity” (Edmonds 366).  He attributes the shift in health care and “the feminization of the working class” to the desire the right to be beautiful (Edmonds 366).  The jobs that women do hold as maids, receptionists, and secretaries, places an emphasis on the appearance of the woman.  Sexual desire or youthfulness can add to the interaction between customer and worker.  Many women desire breast augmentations or nose jobs and these procedures are extremely inexpensive.  This idea of altering one’s appearance to attract sexual attention seems to be the same within American and Brazilian culture. The difference, however, tends to be that upper class women in the United States are more likely to undergo surgery than lower class women to attain the sexual desire.  

It is interesting to think about how beauty standards can be influenced and changed so quickly and how it affects the self-esteem of a population.  Women of color are continuously struggling to find define their beauty as well as make the world understand it. Plastic surgery has become a staple in some societies to enhance or alter appearance.  Some believe that it is beneficial while others believe that it is just a mask to cover up a bigger problem.  It will be interesting to see what the future hold for this population. Will the beauty standards continue to shift? If it does shift, will it have as big of an impact on women as it does today?

Works Cited

Alexander Edmonds. “'the Poor Have the Right to Be Beautiful': Cosmetic Surgery in Neoliberal Brazil”. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 13.2 (2007): 363–381. Web…

Patton, Tracey Owens. “Hey Girl, Am I More Than My Hair?: African American Women and Their Struggles with Beauty, Body Image, and Hair”. NWSA Journal 18.2 (2006): 24–51. Web...

Three’s a Crowd?: Brazil, Women and Education, Emma Crowe and Grace Dahlman

Emma Crowe and Grace Dahlman

Professor Paula Gandara

FST 383

28 October 2015

Three’s a Crowd?: Brazil, Women and Education

            With a worldwide push for female equality sparked through conferences such as the United Nations’ World Education Forum, we have seen a revision of thought throughout the world when it comes to women’s education. However, it can become difficult, based on a country’s specific culture, to change their richly ingrained gender and educational systems. The role of the woman in Brazilian culture is one of constant struggle when it comes to equality, especially because of their very historical patriarchal society. By contextualizing the history of the education system in Brazil and Dilma’s role in women’s education especially incorporating class discussions, we can better understand the impact woman currently have on the Brazilian society and the gender system.

            The impact of women’s education in Brazil has increased an incredible amount throughout the last century considering the barriers they had to face for the past five hundred years since the Portuguese landed in Brazil. The implications of this change can be drastic to society in changing the roles of the classical Brazilian cultural housewife attitude. Prior to the 1800’s, education for both men and women was not considered a necessity. As we read in our reading Women and Society in Colonial Brazil, the traditional woman or “the white donzela and the lady of the ‘big house’ have been depicted as leading a secluded existence…immune to the harsh realities” (Russell-Wood, 1). These harsh realities included education and going outside the home like the patriarchal figure did. However, as time went on and because of the male dominated society of Brazil and the world, men were deemed worthy to learn how to read and write, as it was not seen as a necessity for the women's traditional household roles (Beltrão and Alves). Women were only allowed to attend school and work outside the home in jobs around the turn of the 20th century (Lewis). As a result of the increase in education, around the 1970’s and 1980’s, women's employment rose in Brazil. Even more women joined work sectors that had employed only men in the past rather than just “the informal and self-employed sectors” (Lewis). However, women tend to pursue higher education in areas such as education and health and continue to struggle to penetrate male dominated fields like engineering and law (Osava).

            Dilma Rousseff took over office as the first female Brazilian President in 2011. As we have discussed in class, Dilma often abuses her power and does not do enough to support women who are abused regularly in Brazil. Furthermore, we even discussed how she has closed schools and hired military police for schools she has not closed (class 10/2/2015). Education is a necessary tool women need to have in order to learn how to become independent. Closing schools will not help this. However, on the onset of Dilma’s presidential position, she spoke to the United Nations saying that this is “the century of women” and “I speak to you with a feminine voice. It’s the voice of democracy, of equality” (Torregrosa). Woman in Brazil have looked up to Dilma as a role model especially since she appointed a record number of women to her cabinet. There are now women holding strategic business positions in Brazil as well, including “Chieko Aoki, the head of Blue Tree, one of the largest hotel chains in Brazil; Maria Cláudia Oliveira Amaro, president of the board of TAM, the country’s leading airline; Maria Silvia Bastos Marques, the first chairwoman of C.S.N., the national steel company; and Vera Gaensly Cordeiro, a medical and social entrepreneur and founder of the worldwide Child Health Association,” (Torregrosa). Dilma has made incredible progress in terms of inspiring and publicizing powerful women, despite her horrific shortcomings with education reforms and creating militaristic school environments for both boys and girls. The image of the woman is clearly changing, but not as the progressive rates necessary to overcome all obstacles.

            However, education alone cannot change the Brazilian society. The rate at which women are entering educational institutions, although improved, is still not the same rate at which women are acquiring formal equal jobs as men. Changing long ingrained cultural perceptions of women is hard to do. Women are traditionally supposed to be in charge of all household activities, including taking care of the children and rarely even leaving the home. We discussed in class how although women have jobs, they are still responsible for this role (class 10/23/2015) and cannot generally hope to attain a lucrative career in addition to their domestic responsibilities. Fulvia Rosemberg of the Carlos Chagas Foundation argues, “as long as child care is not available for all families, there will be no structural changes in women’s participation in the labour market” (Osava). Although Dilma has brought many more women aboard her team than any other Brazilian President before and may create an idea to women throughout the country that they can rise to this, if the value system doesn’t change, it is very difficult to increase women’s importance in society. Though women can express their discontent, they inherently have less power to change the status quo.

            Many times through Brazilian literature, these important societal values are brought to light for the observant reader. Sometimes when the feminine woman leaves her role as the traditional housewife, she is punished. However, in The Ants, which we read for class, we see how the two Brazilian girls are staying in an attic of a house. They are students going off to college to study medicine and law—professions not totally in the ordinary for a Brazilian woman. In class we discussed how the dwarf that the ants were building acts as a symbol to the unconscious mind and the girls unconsciously are running away from the traditional role of the feminine (class 10/14/2015). Written during a time when education was slowly growing, this is very representative of the unconscious nervousness surrounding the allowal of women in Brazil into the educational realm. The nervousness surrounding of a possible feminine sexuality that could be lost if women entered into fields of medicine and law; this is an interesting observation if one is reading carefully. The author appeals to women’s subconscious obedience to the domestic sphere in Brazil.

            Women’s role in education in Brazil is steadily changing to this day. Females make up the majority of college enrollment and have a higher graduation rate than their male counterparts, and hold incredibly powerful business and governmental positions for their country. Despite these promising advancements, these women are still considered to be anomalies in the strong Brazilian patriarchal society and women are still suffering. Dilma’s education reforms are hurting all students, and women specifically still struggle to have influential jobs and careers while conforming to cultural standards of being a wife and mother. Women and their contributions are still qualified and defined by the men in their life, bearing those titles such as “mother,” “wife,” and so on. Even President Dilma, the most powerful woman in the country, is noted most commonly as “successor to Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.” Brazilian and world culture still has a long way to go before women of all classes can even hope to be considered equal to their male counterparts, and the rise in female education is a strong indicator that they are headed in that direction.

WORKS Cited

Beltrão, Kaizô Iwakami, and José Eustáquio Diniz Alves. "Reversal of the Gender Gap in

Brazilian Education in the 20th Century." Reversal of the Gender Gap in Brazilian Education in the 20th Century. N.p., n.d. Web. 27 Oct. 2015. <http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?pid=S0100-15742009000100007&script=sci_arttext&tlng=en>.

Lewis, Jone Johnson. “Brazil Women.” Women’s History. About, n.d. Web. 27 Oct. 2015.

            <http://womenshistory.about.com/library/ency/blwh_brazil.htm>.

Osava, Mario. “RIGHTS: Women More Educated, Not More Equal.” Global Issues. N.p., 2 

Mar. 2010. Web 27 Oct. 2015. <http://www.globalissues.org/news/2010/03/01/4685>.

Russel-Wood, A.J.R.,. “Women and Society in Colonial Brazi.” Journal of Latin American

Studies 9.1 (1997): 1-34. Cambridge University. Web. 28 Oct/. 2015.

Torregrosa, Luisita Lopez. “Paving a Way for Women in Brazil.” The New York

Times. The New York Time, 16 Nov. 2011. Web. 27 Oct. 2015. <http://www.nytimes.com/2011/11/16/world/americas/16iht-letter16.html?_r=1>.