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The Effect of Catholicism on Violence Against Women in Brazil: And Other Contributions | By: Tessa Kennedy, Alec Weintraub, Phil Krayterman, & Brynn Hatton
Miami University
The Effect of
Catholicism on Violence
Against Women in
Brazil
And
Other Contributions
Tessa Kennedy, Alec Weintraub, Phil Krayterman, Brynn Hatton
WGS/POR/ENG/FST/BWS 383
Paula Gandara
December 1, 2019
INTRODUCTION
The deeply rooted traditionalist
ideologies of Catholicism traverse a wide variety of extremist views, one of
those being the role of women in society. It is possible that the misogynistic
overtones we see in Catholicism may have contributed to the development of the
patriarchal society that has developed in Brazil and remains prevalent today.
One of the most startling trends we see in Brazil is violence towards women,
especially rape.
DESCRIPTION
OF THE ISSUE
Throughout
history, the Catholic church has been monopolized by men in power, from priests
and bishops to the Pope. There are very few opportunities for women to hold any
roles of major significance in the catholic church, and for a society like
Brazil that is so reliant on religion, this begins to pose an issue. By putting
a specific group of people in power, that group will begin to assimilate
themselves as chieftains by human nature, and it can be very difficult to
restrain this superiority complex. This is one of the reasons Catholicism may
have an impact on the sustenance of a male-centric Brazilian society.
FORGIVENESS
Another emphasis within Catholicism
is the concept of forgiveness. The psychology of forgiveness can be described
as such, “There is no middle ground to this decision. Either you decide to
forgive the person who hurt you, or you hold on to bitterness and anger”
(Richmond 2019). When a Brazilian man decides to act violently towards a woman,
this leaves her with one of two options. Either she can choose to forgive the
offender, or hold on to her feelings of resentment. However, in a society that
is so broadly dominated by men, the safest option for a woman is to forgive. Fear
of the consequences of retaliating, lack of governmental involvement in
domestic abuse, and feelings of helplessness are all barriers that stand in a
woman’s path to self defense in Brazil. When the victim is left no choice other
than forgiveness, this further enables the offender by providing reasoning for
their actions. I believe that the emphasis on forgiveness for sins in
Catholicism is significant in explaining the propulsion of violence against
women in Brazil.
PURITY
Another important principle of
Catholicism is the idea of the virgin and the sense of purity that is
associated with it. “Virginity implies a bodily integrity, visible evidence of
which exists only in women. The Catholic faith teaches us that God preserved
this bodily integrity in the blessed Virgin Mary, even during and after her
childbirth” (Vermeersch 1912). This idea that virginity is so noble that God
himself preserved this integrity in the Virgin Mary even before and after
childbirth, has been emphasized and enforced since the dawn of Catholicism.
RELIGIOUS
CATEGORIZATION OF WOMEN
This leaves two categories of women.
You are either seen as a pure and sacred virgin, or a temptress and a whore.
The Catholic ideas associated with virginity have very clearly translated into
Brazilian society. We have discussed several times in our course that the
gender roles are not reciprocal in regards to virginity. A man who has slept
with many women is just a man, but a woman who has slept with multiple men has
lost much of her intrinsic value in societies’ eye. We have also discussed how
a man in Brazil wants his wife to be the ideal woman and stay within the
confines of the home, but will freely associate himself with temptresses when
seeking sex. If a woman who is a temptress has little respect in Brazilian
society, not much can be done to stop a man to get what he wants from her.
There were almost 50,000 reported rapes in Brazil in 2013 (Knoema 2013). The
idea that virginity is pure, while any premarital sexual act a woman engages in
is vile and dis-respectable, is a notable factor towards perpetuating violence
against women in Brazil. The connotation with which the Catholic church
describes a non-virgin female allows the normalization of violence against
women through the mutual disrespect and antipathy towards freely promiscuous
women.
HISTORY
Part of the goal of Portuguese
colonialism in earlier centuries was the spread of Catholicism and the
‘civilization’ of other people. This Catholic legacy has changed the face of
the former Portuguese colony of Brazil, which is now home to the largest number
of Roman Catholics in the world (Pew Research Center, 2014). While condoning
and encouraging domestic violence certainly is not the goal of the Catholic
church, publications released by the church emphasize the fact that women are
to take a subservient role in relationships and try to emulate the Virgin Mary
in their thoughts and actions (Revill, J., & Hooper, J., 2004). It is also
important to note that subsections of the Catholic church have often expressed
views on domestic violence that are in contrast with a great deal of modern,
humanitarian thinking, stating that women who face abuse at the hands of their
husbands should stay and forgive their partners, as that is their duty as a
Catholic woman (Gleeson, H., et. al., 2017). In order for one to understand the
current state of affairs in Brazil, it is crucial for one to understand the
history of a huge social cornerstone of Brazilian society: Catholicism.
One of the
most extensive publications available documenting the history of the Catholic
Church in Brazil has been compiled by the Harvard Divinity School’s Religious
Literacy Project, which will serve as a major cornerstone of our understanding
in this piece. According to this work, Catholicism began to take root in Brazil
with the Portuguese conquest of the country in the sixteenth century, and
Catholicism was the official religion of the state leading up to the First
Republic. Attempts to loosen Catholicism’s hold over the country occurred during
the short-lived First Republic, but such attempts were ill-fated because the
religion already had land holdings and social and political sway in the
country.
After the
First Republic, the Catholic Church in Brazil supported certain authoritarian
figures. According to some experts, this held back progressive political and
social reforms in the country, as these figures had the most powerful social
force in the country behind them. This precedent of supporting authoritarians
halted during the military dictatorship as certain prominent figures in the
Brazilian Catholic Church were censured or harmed. As the era of censorship and
political oppression was ushered into Brazil, the Catholic Church faced
problems such as increased urbanization causing a downturn in religiosity among
the Brazilian populous and lowering levels of Catholic school enrollment. As
the era of oppression wore on in the country, however, the Catholic Church once
again rose in prominence as a safe haven for Brazilians, as the church and church
figures fought to alleviate Brazilians from the crushing effects of increased
poverty and they fought against aspects of the toxic machismic culture (Harvard
Divinity School | Religious Literacy Project, 2019).
SIGNIFICANCE
As we have shown, the residual
effects of Catholicism likely contributed to patriarchy and abuse of women in
Brazil, and this is a fundamental violation of human rights. If a strong
emphasis is not placed on religious freedom and eliminating domestic abuse in
Brazil. The already ingrained culture and mindset of violence against women and
following the ideals of the Church will continue to be passed down generation
to generation, and the acceptance of domestic violence and abuse will never
cease to exist.
In the year 2018, 65% of the
population of Brazil was Roman Catholic or Other Catholic. The current number
of women who are murdered in Brazil is 4 per day, on average 1,460 women will
have been murdered by the end of this year with many of these being a result of
a domestic violence. (Reuters,. 2019) In 2017 the number was 4,539, with cases
of rape rising to 60,018. Considering that the Maria Da Penha law has been in
effect for a few years now, the trend does appear to be decreasing at a snail
like pace. Before this law was enacted there were even higher murder rates for
women in Brazil.
Even with the implementation of the
Maria Da Penha law, there is still little true change that has occurred. Based
on the number of deaths that are still happening, there is still a need for
vast changes to the legal system of Brazil, as well as altering the culture
from the current patriarchal stance to one that is more favorable to the
equality of women. A significant parallel to this slowly decreasing amount of
women being killed is the rate at which Catholicism is decreasing as the
dominant religion in Brazil.
Over the past 5 decades the
percentage of the Brazilian population that is Catholic has decreased by 27%.
(Pew,. 2014) In the 1970’s the percentage of the population of Brazil that was
Catholic was 92%, in 2019 the population of Brazil is now 65% Catholic.
(Mundi,. 2019) This decrease parallels the decrease in domestic violence in
Brazil. While this is not the only factor, these two trends do correlate.
Another key aspect is that the decrease in Catholicism had the sharpest
decrease from the past ten years.
So the question becomes, why is this
important? The most important, and most obvious answer is to end domestic
violence and the murder of women in Brazil. An additional answer which could
possibly add to the success of the first answer is to create a Brazilian
culture in which women are not seen as the second class people that they are
currently placed as. A Brazil where shooting your wife, keeping them hostage
for days, and then trying to electrocute them does not result in just a 6 year
prison sentence.
The Maria
Da Penha law is a good first step to stopping violence against women in Brazil,
but there is still a long way to go. The connection between a decrease in
Patriarchal Catholicism and a decrease in the killing of women cannot be
overlooked, especially when a patriarchal society will always see women as
second class citizens. Those who are not entitled to basic human rights, and
are struggling every day trying to gain those rights. While the rate of
domestic violence against women is not likely to cease, it can be decreased to
a greater extent then the rate at which it is currently decreasing.
OTHER
CAUSES
Although
Brazilian culture influenced by Catholicism is directly correlated with violence
against women in Brazil, Catholicism alone is not the only factor. In fact, a
large amount of violence can be connected to inadequate government regulation
and legislation, in addition to historical roots of sexualization and
oppression of women starting with the indigenous women of Brazil.
PENAL
CODE AND LAW ENFORCEMENT
Rules and regulations put in place
by Brazilian authorities have had a lasting impact on the culture of
gender-based domestic violence. The result of many Penal Code additions and
corrections have contributed to the attitudes and behaviors currently held in
Brazil. Prior to Brazil’s independence
in 1822, Portuguese colonial law allowed a husband who caught his wife committing
adultery to kill her and her lover, though the reverse was not true. In 1830,
post-independence, Brazil did away with this rule due to a new, Second Penal
Code (Brazil Penal Code). However, men still widely held the notion that they
could still murder their adulterous wives (Human Rights Watch 1991). This
notion can still be seen today and a reason why husbands beat their wives.
Brazil’s Second Penal Code, enacted
in 1890, incorporated an exemption from criminal responsibility for those who
committed a crime “under a state of total perturbation of the senses and
intelligence (Brazil Penal Code).” Therefore, if a husband claimed his wife’s
behavior evoked such a strong behavior from him that he had “momentary
insanity,” there was no crime (Human Rights Watch 1991). Wife-murder cases soon
became defended as “acts of passion.”
The success of this argument to
obtain acquittal for husbands charged with killing their wives brought on
Brazil’s Third Penal Code that states “emotion or passion does not exclude
criminal responsibility.” This Code
change shifted the defense of “a passion killing” to a defense of honor. In
essence, honor defense equalizes a wife's adulterous act (or allegedly
adulterous act) to a physical act of aggression by the man. Because of this
Code, men perceive domestic abuse as a result of protecting their integrity
(Human Rights Watch 1991); it is up to the man to punish the female for
threatening his reputation.
The first Civil Code passed in
Brazil in 1914 came at a time when women were treated as perpetual wards, similar
to minors and the elderly. Although women’s suffrage came in 1932 and the
ability to work outside of the home without a husband’s permission came in
1962, the Civil Code still placed women in a subordinate status compared to
their male counterparts (Human Rights Watch 1991). Even though women are deemed
fully equal through the 1988 Constitution (Brazil Penal Code), the gender-based
values instilled by these Codes still influence a violent patriarchal society
prevalent today.
Crimes of abuse continue to go
unpunished. Battery, rape and death are routine facts of life for many
Brazilian women. Even though Brazil has made many advances in laws to punish
abusers, nothing actionable is being carried out. Unfortunately, Brazilian
people see domestic abuse as a “private problem,” not to be handled by the
court system. When women do go to report aggressions, it is normal for law
enforcement to believe they are responsible for the crimes they suffered. This
behavior from authorities perpetuates violence against women and creates
hesitation for those looking to report.
All of these rules and regulations
have created an attitude within the Brazilian society that encourages violence
towards women that is overlooked by the legal system.
ANTHROPOPHAGY
In one of the most famous
sociological and poetic works written in the Portuguese language, O Manifesto Antropófago, Oswald de
Andrade writes, “Only anthropophagy unites us. Socially. Economically.
Philosophically,” (de Andrade, O., 1928). In his work, de Andrade uses prose to
illustrate the significance of anthropophagy in the creation of the Brazilian
zeitgeist. In the English language, the title of de Andrade’s work has been,
with alarming frequency, translated to “The Cannibalistic Manifesto”.
Unfortunately, this translation leaves the Anglican reader without a true understanding
of the work, erroneously conflating the practices of cannibalism and
anthropophagy. Anthropophagy, as noted by the scholar Adone Agnolin, is a
distinct cultural practice of the Tupi people of Brazil that involves cultural
consumption through the act of eating the body of a man (Agnolin, A., 2002). In
this highly structured practice, the man chosen to be consumed by the people in
the community will live amongst the community for months, and be given a wife.
While the anthropophagic legacy of modern-day Brazil has not been examined, in
the current literature on the topic, as a possible root of the high levels of
violence committed against women in the country, anthropophagy as an
explanation for the creation of the unique systemic gender dichotomy in Brazil
is a perspective that we would like to examine- along with our examination of
the Brazilian manifestation of patriarchal Catholicism- in this work.
Anthropophagy has been examined as a
possible cause of racial disparities and discrimination in Brazil by scholar
Marcelo Paixão, who expands upon de Andrade’s idea of Brazil as an
anthropophagic culture (Paixão, M., 2015). The notion of Brazil as an
anthropophagic culture emerged as part of an artistic movement, which involved
the celebration of the Brazilian reality as a mixture of African, Portuguese,
and indengenous cultures. This reality, as noted by Paixão and other prominent
scholars, has led to the marked difficulty in defining race among the Brazilian
people- a difficulty that is perhaps unparalleled in the world. Race is often
defined in Brazil in terms of socio-economic status, and the existence of
‘social-whiteness’ is prominent. One can extrapolate this information, leading
to the logical conclusion that a literal, and figurative, anthropophagic legacy
could lead to the prominent levels of misogyny and violence committed against
women that form one of the darker cornerstones of the Brazilian reality.
The most famous work written about
the Tupi anthropophagic rituals can inform one’s understanding of the misogyny
that would come to plague Brazil. This work, Warhafftige
Historia vnnd beschreibung einer Landschafft der Wilden, Nackten Grimmigen
Menschenfresser Leuthen in der Newen Welt America gelegen, written by German
soldier, Hans Staden, is a written account of the author’s experience among the
anthropophagic Tupinamabá people of what would later become Brazil. Staden’s
account, although frequently criticized among modern-day scholars for its
sensationalism and possible partial fabrication, informed the thoughts of a
wider Europe, especially the Portuguese, during the conquest of Brazil. In his
narrative, the particularities of the anthropophagic rituals of the Tupinamabá
people were conveyed. Staden even included many drawings in his work, depicting
a ritual that scared an unknowing European audience (Staden, H., 1557).
As few scholars have noted, Staden’s narrative and
succeeding works depicted an important part of the anthropophagic ritual that
would have weighed heavily upon the minds of the Portuguese settlers- the
consumption of the penis, which was done by the Tupi women (Gândara, P., 2019).
When Portuguese settlers, who were subsequently encouraged and forced to marry
indigenous Brazilian women by law, observed this ritual, they became afraid of
the Tupi women. This fear lead to increasing hostilities between the Portuguese
men and the Tupi women, and the Portuguese men quelled their fears with
aggression. This system of inter-marriage, which was rife with high levels of
violence against women, built modern-day Brazil, which can explain the high
levels of violence against women present in the country today.
CONCLUSION
In conclusion, the development of the
patriarchal society that has come to define a part of the Brazilian reality has
roots in traditional Catholicism. Concepts of purity and forgiveness, as well
as female inferiority, that have been a cornerstone of toxic Latin American
Catholicism, have lead to a subculture of abuse and femicide in the
overwhelmingly Catholic Brazil. As religiosity declines in the country and
around the world, perhaps certain patriarchal norms that have lead to the reality
for Brazilian women will decline, but it is difficult to say how much will
change as leniency is still given to the worst of domestic abusers.
WORKS CITED
Agnolin, Adone. (2002).
Antropofagia ritual e identidade cultural entre os Tupinambá. Revista
Andrade, O. de. (1928). Manifesto antropofago e outros textos. São Paolo: Penguin.
“Brazil's Changing Religious Landscape.” Pew Research
Center's Religion & Public Life
Project, 14 Mar. 2014,
https://www.pewforum.org/2013/07/18
/brazils-changing-religious-landscape/.
“Brazilian
Penal Code.” Planalto.gov.br, http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/Decreto
-Lei/Del2848.htm.
“Brazil Religions.” Brazil Religions - Demographics,
https://www.indexmundi.com/brazil/religions.html.
Gândara, Paula. “The
complexities of anthropophagy among the Tupinambá people of Brazil”
(class
lecture, Brazilian Women in Literature and Film, Miami University, Oxford,
Ohio,
October
10, 2019).
Gleeson,
H., BairdIllustrations, J., & Fazzari, R. (2017, November 4). 'Their cross
to bear': The
Catholic women told to forgive domestic violence.
Retrieved November 17, 2019, from
https://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-11-04/cross-to-bear-catholic-church-domestic-abuse/8680158
Griffin, Jo. “'We Are Afraid': Brazilian Women Alarmed at
Relaxation of Gun Laws.” The
Guardian, Guardian News and Media,
28 Jan. 2019,
https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2019/jan/28/we-are-afraid-brazilian-women-recoil-jair-bolsonaro-relaxation-gun-laws-domestic-violence.
Harvard
Divinity School | Religious Literacy Project. (2019). The Catholic Church in
Brazil.
Retrieved November 17, 2019, from
https://rlp.hds.harvard.edu/faq/catholic-church-brazil.
Paixão,
M. (2015). ANTROPOFAGIA E RACISMO . Retrieved November 15, 2019, from
http://flacso.org.br/files/2015/11/ANTROPOFAGIA-E-RACISMO-MARCELO-PAIXÃO.pdf.
Reuters. “Brazil: Four Women Killed Every Day in 2019, Human
Rights Body Says.” The
Guardian, Guardian News and Media, 4
Feb. 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/world
/2019/feb/04/brazil-women-killed-2019-rate-alarming-iachr.
Human
Rights Watch. Criminal Injustice-
Violence Against Women in Brazil. Human Rights
Watch, Oct. 1991.
Revill,
J., & Hooper, J. (2004, July 31). A woman's place is to wait and listen,
says the Vatican.
Retrieved November 17, 2019, from
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2004/aug/01/religion.uk.
Staden, H., Dryander, J.,
& Han, W. (1557). Warhafftige
Historia vnnd beschreibung einer
Landschafft der Wilden, Nackten Grimmigen Menschenfresser
Leuthen in der Newen Welt
America gelegen: vor vnd nach Christi geburt im Land zu
Hessen unbekannt: biß auff diese ij. nächst vergangene jahr. Franckfurdt am Mayn: Durch Weygandt Han in der
Schnurgassen zum Krug.
Thursday, December 5, 2019
Wednesday, December 4, 2019
Tuesday, May 14, 2019
Thursday, January 17, 2019
Thursday, December 27, 2018
Monday, April 9, 2018
The Patriarchal Culture of Colonial Europe in Brazil by Reece Milton (writer) and Katie Buschle (editor)
Writer: Reece Milton
Editor: Katie Buschle
February 21, 2018
POR/BWS 383
The Patriarchal Culture of Colonial Europe in Brazil
The idea of a man based society, commonly found across Europe, was modeled after
the Roman Empire; where, over time, women were able to hold some liberties, but
almost all aspects of the state were controlled by men. After the fall of the Roman
Empire, this concept of a male dominated society stuck around, and formed into
the societal structure we know (and fight) today (Metcalf, 277). This patriarchal
social structure dictated the sexuality, activities, and lives of women--only to
become more oppressive once the culture combined with the views of the
Catholic Church, which emphasized virginal women who live chaste and moral lives.
Portugal aligned with these extensively prude expectations of women, and thus brought
the same concept of virtuosity and modesty to Brazil. Although Brazil adapted to these
concepts differently than Portugal had, Brazilian culture was significantly changed, and
is still affected by these ideas and
social norms today.
the Roman Empire; where, over time, women were able to hold some liberties, but
almost all aspects of the state were controlled by men. After the fall of the Roman
Empire, this concept of a male dominated society stuck around, and formed into
the societal structure we know (and fight) today (Metcalf, 277). This patriarchal
social structure dictated the sexuality, activities, and lives of women--only to
become more oppressive once the culture combined with the views of the
Catholic Church, which emphasized virginal women who live chaste and moral lives.
Portugal aligned with these extensively prude expectations of women, and thus brought
the same concept of virtuosity and modesty to Brazil. Although Brazil adapted to these
concepts differently than Portugal had, Brazilian culture was significantly changed, and
is still affected by these ideas and
social norms today.
During colonial time, white women in Brazil had very strict, oppressive rules and
social structures which they were expected to follow. Many upper class women
were destined to remain inside the home. With a majority of them being illiterate,
due to lack of importance of female education, they were raised to be married off
in order to strengthen the family’s social ties, or, if the father so wished, sent to a
convent in order to keep their daughters away from wanton Brazilian men, and
uphold their honor. Usually the only education they could receive would be in the
form of domestic tasks and trades, such as cleaning or sewing (Mycofski, 334).
As discussed in Women and Society in Colonial Brazil as well as Bounded
Identities, women of the lower class still had to work outside the home, in areas
such as shopkeeping, baking, and seamstressing. In recent years, although
women have surpassed men in schooling, “female workers remain in traditionally
feminine sectors, occupations and fields of work” and are found to have “a higher
rate of unemployment and wage differentiation between sexes” (Bruschini, 33).
Since colonial time, tremendous strides have been made for women in the workplace,
with 42.9% of the Brazilian workforce being women (International Labor Organization).
social structures which they were expected to follow. Many upper class women
were destined to remain inside the home. With a majority of them being illiterate,
due to lack of importance of female education, they were raised to be married off
in order to strengthen the family’s social ties, or, if the father so wished, sent to a
convent in order to keep their daughters away from wanton Brazilian men, and
uphold their honor. Usually the only education they could receive would be in the
form of domestic tasks and trades, such as cleaning or sewing (Mycofski, 334).
As discussed in Women and Society in Colonial Brazil as well as Bounded
Identities, women of the lower class still had to work outside the home, in areas
such as shopkeeping, baking, and seamstressing. In recent years, although
women have surpassed men in schooling, “female workers remain in traditionally
feminine sectors, occupations and fields of work” and are found to have “a higher
rate of unemployment and wage differentiation between sexes” (Bruschini, 33).
Since colonial time, tremendous strides have been made for women in the workplace,
with 42.9% of the Brazilian workforce being women (International Labor Organization).
The virginal preservation of white women was another expectation of the colonial
time. Embedded very heavily in Catholic ideals, they were expected to remain virgins
until their wedding night, and were deemed tainted or unfit to marry if they were not.
Men would even try to “test” their betrothed wife by attempting to seduce her, if she
was to give in, she was then considered loose, and the man would break up with her.
time. Embedded very heavily in Catholic ideals, they were expected to remain virgins
until their wedding night, and were deemed tainted or unfit to marry if they were not.
Men would even try to “test” their betrothed wife by attempting to seduce her, if she
was to give in, she was then considered loose, and the man would break up with her.
When explorers first arrived in Brazil around 1500, they quickly found that the natives
had a more open viewpoint of sexual activity, in which the women and men could
sleep with whomever they wished. Once Brazil began to become more populated by
colonists, a dichotomy began to form between the men and women. Black and
indigenous women, as well as the men, had little to no rules regarding their sexual
lives, whereas a white woman was deemed soiled, tainted, and inadequate for
marriage if she did not meet the social expectations thrust upon her.
had a more open viewpoint of sexual activity, in which the women and men could
sleep with whomever they wished. Once Brazil began to become more populated by
colonists, a dichotomy began to form between the men and women. Black and
indigenous women, as well as the men, had little to no rules regarding their sexual
lives, whereas a white woman was deemed soiled, tainted, and inadequate for
marriage if she did not meet the social expectations thrust upon her.
As with many societies of the time, Portugal, and thus its colonies, were male
dominated, patriarchal societies; they dictated what women wore, how much
they were educated, and how they were to spend their lives. The lives of colonial
women in Brazil and Portugal, especially white women, were heavily scrutinized
by men in society, and remnants of this lead to the misogyny that can be found in
Brazil today, where the country experienced the highest rates of female homicide
in 2013 (Carless, 1).
dominated, patriarchal societies; they dictated what women wore, how much
they were educated, and how they were to spend their lives. The lives of colonial
women in Brazil and Portugal, especially white women, were heavily scrutinized
by men in society, and remnants of this lead to the misogyny that can be found in
Brazil today, where the country experienced the highest rates of female homicide
in 2013 (Carless, 1).
As in many societies, black and indigenous women have become a symbol of
sexuality and arousal. This was often reflected in how they were treated by society.
Many black women who had household duties (slaves or servants), were idealized
as “playthings and objects of affection” (Russell-Wood, 1) for the males of a
household, and often became the victims of torment and abuse from envious
housewives. Enslaved women could get married; however, her husband would
be forced to join her in captivity as well, so this was often avoided. If a slave
woman had a particularly caring master, they might have had dowries left in their
possession so they could get married or even escape captivity (Russell-Wood, 25).
sexuality and arousal. This was often reflected in how they were treated by society.
Many black women who had household duties (slaves or servants), were idealized
as “playthings and objects of affection” (Russell-Wood, 1) for the males of a
household, and often became the victims of torment and abuse from envious
housewives. Enslaved women could get married; however, her husband would
be forced to join her in captivity as well, so this was often avoided. If a slave
woman had a particularly caring master, they might have had dowries left in their
possession so they could get married or even escape captivity (Russell-Wood, 25).
On the contrary, free black women may been able to live a more typical life; however,
because of the oversexualization of black women, and the biased standards for
marriage which mainly suited white women, they found a hard time getting married.
White women who were widows and prostitutes from Portugal had a better chance
at getting married, so to speak, specifically because they were white. However, a
black woman could make a living for herself by selling goods in the street market,
or herself in the form of prostitution. Orphaned black girls were sometimes taken in
by wealthier white families, and given a dowry in hopes that she may be married,
giving her a better
chance at life.
because of the oversexualization of black women, and the biased standards for
marriage which mainly suited white women, they found a hard time getting married.
White women who were widows and prostitutes from Portugal had a better chance
at getting married, so to speak, specifically because they were white. However, a
black woman could make a living for herself by selling goods in the street market,
or herself in the form of prostitution. Orphaned black girls were sometimes taken in
by wealthier white families, and given a dowry in hopes that she may be married,
giving her a better
chance at life.
While Amerindians could not be enslaved (in part because they refused to work)
they still had to be wary of being forced into slavery by insubordinate slave owners,
who chose to illegally capture indigenous peoples. They also ran the risk of being
part of a white woman’s dowry, in which they were forced into slavery; however,
there are several accounts of this situation being taken to court, and ultimately
resolved. Although they could hold jobs as being maids or servants, indigenous
women were mostly regarded and portrayed in Brazilian societies as “concubines
and lovers” (Russell-Wood, 1). Amerindian women were barred from being married,
but could participate in “consensual unions” (Myscofski, 334), which only further
increased the stereotype.
they still had to be wary of being forced into slavery by insubordinate slave owners,
who chose to illegally capture indigenous peoples. They also ran the risk of being
part of a white woman’s dowry, in which they were forced into slavery; however,
there are several accounts of this situation being taken to court, and ultimately
resolved. Although they could hold jobs as being maids or servants, indigenous
women were mostly regarded and portrayed in Brazilian societies as “concubines
and lovers” (Russell-Wood, 1). Amerindian women were barred from being married,
but could participate in “consensual unions” (Myscofski, 334), which only further
increased the stereotype.
Ever since the first encounter between the white Portuguese and the indigenous
Brazilians, the native women were regarded as highly sexual beings with loose
morals. Young men had come to Brazil for adventure, and found they could live
relatively free lives with these women, and do whoever and whatever they pleased.
Both of these groups of women of colour had to deal with sexual advances of the
promiscuous white males, and it was believed that they could not possibly
resist any advances made on them, which resulted in numerous atrocities committed
against these women. Today we can see how these norms have affected the culture in
the sense that sexual harassment and abuse are common and constant--high levels of
domestic violence, rape, and forced prostitution are all issues still plaguing Brazil.
Brazilians, the native women were regarded as highly sexual beings with loose
morals. Young men had come to Brazil for adventure, and found they could live
relatively free lives with these women, and do whoever and whatever they pleased.
Both of these groups of women of colour had to deal with sexual advances of the
promiscuous white males, and it was believed that they could not possibly
resist any advances made on them, which resulted in numerous atrocities committed
against these women. Today we can see how these norms have affected the culture in
the sense that sexual harassment and abuse are common and constant--high levels of
domestic violence, rape, and forced prostitution are all issues still plaguing Brazil.
These colonial ideas and idealizations of women of diverse groups led to a tension
between these groups, and between men and women in general that is still found in
Brazil today. Men are expected to cheat on their partners, whether the woman is okay
with it or not. However, if a woman were to do that same, she would risk being
abandoned, abused, or even killed. In just 1991, Brazilian courts
outlawed the killing of a wife to defend her honor, and in 2006 Brazil enacted the
Maria da Penha law, which is mainly known for increasing the punishment of those
who practice domestic violence
against women.
between these groups, and between men and women in general that is still found in
Brazil today. Men are expected to cheat on their partners, whether the woman is okay
with it or not. However, if a woman were to do that same, she would risk being
abandoned, abused, or even killed. In just 1991, Brazilian courts
outlawed the killing of a wife to defend her honor, and in 2006 Brazil enacted the
Maria da Penha law, which is mainly known for increasing the punishment of those
who practice domestic violence
against women.
Although women have an increased influence in political and social spheres,
Brazilian women still face many inequalities, largely related to the societal norms
mentioned above, that women experienced during the colonial period. Women of
all classes still face violence and abuse by their partners, and it largely goes
unreported. However, in the recent years Brazil has implemented policies and
plans to curb domestic violence, and allow women to report it in a safe environment,
(James, 1). Women also face inequality in the labor market, making just
“71% of the man’s dollar,” and with the market dominated by white women
(Simoes and Matos, 99).
Brazilian women have not had an easy path to gender equality, and the increased
domestic violence and violence against women in Brazil have only made this path
more difficult. Although many measures have been put into place to protect women
and have given domestic abuse survivors shelter and an opportunity to safely report
their abuse, this deep rooted misogyny still runs rampant in Brazil. As far as
Brazilian women have come fighting for equality among themselves and their
Brazilian women still face many inequalities, largely related to the societal norms
mentioned above, that women experienced during the colonial period. Women of
all classes still face violence and abuse by their partners, and it largely goes
unreported. However, in the recent years Brazil has implemented policies and
plans to curb domestic violence, and allow women to report it in a safe environment,
(James, 1). Women also face inequality in the labor market, making just
“71% of the man’s dollar,” and with the market dominated by white women
(Simoes and Matos, 99).
Brazilian women have not had an easy path to gender equality, and the increased
domestic violence and violence against women in Brazil have only made this path
more difficult. Although many measures have been put into place to protect women
and have given domestic abuse survivors shelter and an opportunity to safely report
their abuse, this deep rooted misogyny still runs rampant in Brazil. As far as
Brazilian women have come fighting for equality among themselves and their
male counterparts, they still have a long way to go until the ancient idea of patriarchal
society is flushed entirely from the system.
society is flushed entirely from the system.
Works Cited
Brooke, James. “‘Honor’ Killing of Wives is Outlawed in Brazil”. The New York Times,
March 29, 1991.
Web. http://www.nytimes.com/1991/03/29/us/honor-killing-of-wives-is- outlawed
-in-brazil.html
March 29, 1991.
Web. http://www.nytimes.com/1991/03/29/us/honor-killing-of-wives-is- outlawed
-in-brazil.html
Bruschini, Maria Cristina Aranha. “Work and Gender in Brazil in the Last Ten Years”,
Cadernos de Pesquisa, December, 2007. Vol. 37 No. 132. São Paulo.
Web. http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?pid=S0100-15742007000300003&script=sci_
arttext&tlng=en
Cadernos de Pesquisa, December, 2007. Vol. 37 No. 132. São Paulo.
Web. http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?pid=S0100-15742007000300003&script=sci_
arttext&tlng=en
Carless, W. “Brazil's shocking violence against women, in five charts.” GlobalPost, 2015,
November 18. Retrieved February 20, 2018. Web. https://www.pri.org/stories/2015-11
-18/brazils-shocking-violence-against-women-five-charts
International Labor Organization. “Labor Force, Female (% of total labor force)”. The World
Bank, 2017. Web. https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.TLF.TOTL.FE.ZS
Metcalf, A. C. “Women and Means: Women and Family Property in Colonial Brazil”.
Journal of Social History, 1990. 24(2), 277-298.
Myscofski, C. A. “Bounded Identities: Women and Religion in Colonial Brazil, 1550–1750”.
Religion, 1998. 28(4), 329-337.
Russell-Wood, A.J.R. “Women and Society in Colonial Brazil”. Journal of Latin American
Studies,May, 1977. Vol. 9, No. 1. pp. 1-34. Print.
Simões, S., & Matos, M. “Modern Ideas, Traditional Behaviors, and the Persistence of
Gender Inequality in Brazil”. International Journal of Sociology, 2008. 38(4), 94-110.
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