Music Functions and Racial Prejudices of African-Brazilians and Nordestinos of São Paulo

Kelsey Cook

Kelli Peterman

LAS 204

February 28, 2014

Music Functions and Racial Prejudices of African-Brazilians and Nordestinos of São Paulo

The film Saudade do Futuro and chapter one of Rhythms of Resistance, which focuses on the music of African-derived religions in Brazil, have many connections regarding functions of music and racial prejudices. The film is centered on the Nordestinos of São Paulo, Brazil, who migrated from the northeast due to the drought in hopes of finding work and creating a better future. The title of the film juxtaposes a yearning for the past, "saudade," with "futuro," the future: the Nordestinos continually hope that the prejudice and unemployment they face will improve as time goes on, though they still yearn for their homelands. The first chapter in Rhythms of Resistance focuses on the candomblé, its origins, its regional variants, and their functions. Candomblé is considered “the classical African-Brazilian religion,” (Fryer 14). We build a case for the music in both the film and chapter to have resistance functions, particularly against the racial prejudices and situations of the African-Brazilians and the Nordestinos of São Paulo.

Both the African-Brazilians and Nordestinos have faced similar forms of oppression, as demonstrated by the enslavement of the Africans and the social inequality of the Nordestinos.  When the Portuguese brought the Africans to Brazil, they began the practice of enslaving them, not only through their bodies in the fields, but also through religion. The Portuguese forced the African slaves to assimilate into the Catholic religion because the religion of the slaves was considered to be a form of resistance and was therefore forbidden.  If the slaves resisted, they could face persecution by Roman Catholic priests and the police, or be punished through “excommunication, refusal of communion, [and] arrest and imprisonment” (Fryer 13).  In the case of the Nordestinos, their lives in São Paulo demonstrate another form of oppression. The Nordestinos left their homeland to escape a drought and then migrated to São Paulo, hoping to find employment. However, the Nordestinos living in São Paulo are generally unemployed or are not making enough money to earn a living, according to the film. For example, the Nordestinos helped to build the villas, mansions, and other expensive buildings in Brazil. Once this work was done, as shown by Saudade do Futuro, the São Paulo natives “slam the door in our face,” forcing the majority of Nordestinos to live in favelas, or the slums, of São Paulo. However, the Nordestinos feel as though they cannot leave São Paulo because they see it as a land of opportunity. Through the eyes of the Nordestinos, the city is a place of possibility, of unexpected intimacy, and especially of music and poetry.

Racial prejudice is another form of oppression experienced by the African-Brazilians and Nordestinos. In chapter one of Rhythms of Resistance, Fryer states “I refuse belittle them [African-derived Brazilian religions] with the disparaging term ‘cults’” (Fryer 13). Due to Fryer refusing to call the religion a cult, his statement implies that the African-Brazilian religion has, in fact, been considered as a cult by some. This religion has been regarded as “mere witchcraft,” and has such been prohibited by the Roman Catholic priests (Fryer 13). The natives of São Paulo greet the Nordestinos with prejudice as well. The natives consider them to be “a lesser, inferior race,” as stated in the film. Additionally, Nordestinos are called “Paraibas” or “Baianos” by the São Paulo natives. Their accent and their status as recent arrivals make the Nordestinos feel like outsiders. One Nordestino says, “I felt I was in a foreign milieu, as if I were an invader, and I was treated as such.” In the film, the mayor of São Paulo, a Nordestino herself, states that “you are also rejected for that, because of your accent, and the way you drag out your words.” Thus, these preconceived notions about the religion of African-Brazilians and the Nordestinos themselves are based on judgment and not reason, and therefore can be perceived as forms of prejudice.

In the face of oppression, both the Nordestinos and the African-Brazilians use their own musical styles to resist and withstand their situations. The major style of music sung by Nordestinos is called repente, and is entirely based on a singer’s ability to improvise. It is mostly sung in the streets, and many of its singers use it as a form of employment. In the film, one repente singer sings, “I’m gonna sing to kill this suffering and earn my living,” while another singer states, “That’s how we make our living, singing is our way of life.” The themes sung about in repente include defending Nordestino culture, longing for the homeland, unemployment, poverty, and politics. By using repente as a form of social commentary, the Nordestino singers demonstrate their resistance to their current situations and their desire for change.  In regards to the music of the African-Brazilians, they were forced to camouflage their form of worship, the candomblé, behind Roman Catholicism. As Roger Bastide states, “Originally the saints were merely white masks placed over the black faces of the ancestral deities… The whites had to be given the impression that the members of the ‘nations’ were good Catholics” (Freyer 13). In other words, the African deities, or orixás, were each camouflaged behind a Catholic saint so that the African-Brazilians could avoid persecution by Catholic priests.  By still practicing their religion in the form of candomblé, the African-Brazilians could more easily withstand with their enslavement. In summary, both candomblé and repente serve as forms of resistance.

In conclusion, the bottom line of our investigation is to show that although the Nordestinos and African-Brazilians are different in terms of their history, musical styles, and lifestyle, both groups have used music to resist oppression and racial prejudice. However, one issue with analyzing Saudade do Futuro is that we, the audience, are only able to view what the director, Cesar Paes, is choosing to film of the lives of the Nordestinos. Thus, our opinions written here could have potentially been swayed or biased without us even realizing it. Nevertheless, from what we have been shown, the Nordestinos use the repente to make social commentary that allows them to withstand economic oppression and racial prejudice. Similarly, the African-Brazilians used the candomblé as a way to protect their religion and to deal with their resentment of enslavement in the face of the Catholic Portuguese. As a result of this investigation, we find that prejudice can prevent us from seeing the good that lies beyond appearances and can also prevent us from appreciating Brazilian music.

Bibliography:

Fryer, Peter. "The Heritage of Nigeria and Benin: Music for Worship." Rhythms of Resistance:    

           African Musical Heritage in Brazil. Hanover: UP of New England, 2000. 13-23. Print.

Paes, Cesar, dir. Saudade do Futuro. Laterit Productions, 2001. Film.

Tupinambá: The Victims of Intolerant Europeans

Christopher Schipper

POR 204

October 30, 2013

Tupinambá: The Victims of Intolerant Europeans

            The movie Hans Staden provides the viewers with an accurate account of Hans Staden's life in 1553. By analyzing the events throughout his imprisonment by the Tupinambá people, one is able to witness the original culture shock that is felt by Staden. This exposure to the extreme difference in lifestyles can be paralleled to what all Europeans experienced during their initial migration to Brazil.  Along with this, the events that Staden lived through can be seen as a microcosmical foreshadow of the current cultural unity that is alive in Brazil.

            Despite the fact that Hans Staden did not participate in or accept the religious practices of the Tupinambá, they accepted and respected his beliefs. Although the native people were radical in their ritualistic cannibalism of enemies, they were an open minded people. They were willing to accept Staden's belief and even went as far as to incorporate his God into the events of their lives. For instance, the Amerindians requested that Staden pray to his God so that the seemingly endless rain would cease (Pereira). Adding to this, they did not force their beliefs upon him. Although Staden was completely immersed in the Tupinambá culture, they never forced him to pray to their deities or participate in their religious ceremonies. This is contrary to the stereotypical closed-mindedness of the Europeans at the time. They saw natives as a naive people led astray that needed to be converted to Christianity.

            Although the native people were violent towards their enemies, they were very hospitable to their allies. As is seen in the movie, the natives treated the French very highly and thought of them as an equal people from a different culture (Pereira). The French offered the Tupinambá and other Amerindians weapons and various other European resources for barterting; The French were not hostile towards the Tupinambá and thus they had no reason to be aggressive towards the French. These people saw the French as allies[1]. The French thought of the Tupinambá people as allies too ; however, it was not because they thought of the natives as equals. The Europeans thought of themselves as better than the natives because they viewed the natives as an underdeveloped people. On top of this, the Europeans were frightened by the Amerindians' violence towards their enemies and thus did not wish to develop a hostile relationship with them (Lecture by Dr. Gandara, 10-25-2013).

            These examples of the native's cultural acceptance of the Europeans foreshadows the future integration of the European and native people. Because of the fact that this integration began in small villages like these and eventually spread all over Brazil, it can be viewed as a microcosmical foreshadowing. An interesting feature that was unique to the film was the scene where Staden allows a runaway slave to escape and explains to him which path is the safest path to take (Pereira). By allowing the slave to escape, it reveals Staden's newfound appreciation for freedom and his revelation that slavery is wrong. Although this scene never occurred in actuality, it further broadens the microcosm to not only European and Brazilian people, but to the Africans as well. These beginning steps to accepting peoples of different races has led to what is now the cohesion of the African, European, and Amerindian people throughout all of Brazil.

            Another foreshadowing event that happens in Staden's tales is the blending of religious practices. Although Staden did not respect the beliefs of the Tupinambá, they respected his. On top of this, they incorporated Staden's deity into their own religion because Staden convinced them that their misfortunes were happening due to their intent to kill him. Likewise, their fortunes came from Staden's happiness (Pereira). They became so concerned with the power of the God that Staden worshipped that they did not only allow him to pray to his God, they occasionally requested that he pray to his God. This mixture of religion would soon sweep all of Brazil in different forms. Whether it be an African religion mixed with Catholicism, a native religion mixed with Catholicism, or a native religion mixed with an African religion, this example of religious intermingling can be seen as a foreshadowing for what would soon take place in the rest of Brazil.

            Viewing the events that happened to Staden in 1553 from an outside perspective is difficult. Without the proper knowledge of Brazil and its developmental process, any views on this story will be one-sided. When looked upon with no prior knowledge, the native people of Brazil may come across as an uncivilized, violent people. In reality, they had been practicing their cannibalistic ways long before any European influence was present in Brazil. When the Europeans arrived, the natives were accepting of them; however, the Europeans were not accepting of the natives due to their differences. Another issue with viewing these events from an outside perspective is that Hans Staden portrays himself as a completely innocent figure. In truth, Staden had been a mercenary for the Portuguese people and because of this he was an enemy to the Tupinambá people. Although the Tupinambá were prepared to kill him due to his supposed Portuguese ancestry, who is to say that a Staden would not have killed a native due to their Tupinambá descent? Being a mercenary for the Portuguese, the chances are likely that he would have killed a Tupinambá native if given the opportunity to do so. This is never mentioned in the novel or the movie due to the fact that Staden had a reputation in Europe at the time and did not want to be seen by his people as someone who was on the same level as the natives in terms of nonsensical violence.

            From my perspective, I see the clash of Staden's beliefs and ethics with those of the Tupinambá people as a beautiful display of cultural interaction. Although the native people did participate in horrifying acts of cannibalism, they were very kind to their allies and were a people that were willing to negotiate. On top of this, they were both accepting and tolerant of outside religions and cultures. As is seen in the movie, although reluctant, the natives were willing to give Staden to the French in exchange for various weaponry (Pereira). Their religious tolerance can be seen in their allowance of Staden's setting up of a cross in their village even before they believed that his God was powerful enough to protect him. Although he was reluctant to trust them, Staden eventually joined the natives on hunting missions; however, he never fully integrated into their society due to the fact that he was constantly on edge because the natives could kill him at any given moment and eat him at their next ceremony. Due to this lack of integration, Staden continued to discriminate against the natives. However, history proves that the European people eventually accept the natives and discrimination between the races comes to be less accentuated.

            Whether it be through their acceptance of outside religions or their hospitality towards their allies, the open-mindedness of the Amerindians can be seen in Hans Staden's telling of the events of his life in 1553. This openness acts as a microcosm that foreshadows what soon occurs throughout Brazil: equalization of all ethnicities. Although his accounts do not reveal anything in terms of the acceptance of Africans, the director of Hans Staden reveals to the viewer that the Europeans eventually corrected their unjust practices of slavery through his addition of a scene that did not occur in reality. As Michel de Montaigne, an influential French writer during the sixteenth century, states: “Each man calls barbarism whatever is not his own practice”[2].

Works Cited

Gandara, Paula. "Class Lecture for 10-25-2013." Irvin Hall, Oxford. 25 Oct. 2013. Lecture.

Hans Staden. Dir. Luís A. Pereira. Grupo Novo De Cinema & TV (GNCTV) - Foreign      Distribution Sales Lapfilme Do Brasil and Jorge Neves Producoes Audiovisuais, 1999.    Film.

Jáuregui, Carlos A. "Project MUSE - Hans Staden's True History: An Account of Cannibal          Captivity in Brazil." Project MUSE - Hans Staden's True History: An Account of            Cannibal Captivity in Brazil   (review). N.p., n.d. Web. 24 Oct. 2013.             <http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/lbr/summary/v047/47.1.jauregui.html>.

"Michel De Montaigne." Goodreads. Goodreads Inc, n.d. Web. 29 Oct. 2013.             <http://www.goodreads.com/author/show/17241.Michel_de_Montaigne>.

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[1] Www.muse.jhu.edu

[2]Www.goodreads.com

Gender Roles and the Construction of Brazilian Nationalism

Patrick Campbell                                                                                                     James Clark

Gender Roles and the Construction of Brazilian Nationalism

Introduction

           Today, it is hard to identify a “pure” cultural identity as an industrialized mass culture that relies on globalization, this identity tends to be fragmented from various influences. Yet no one can dissociate the image of samba from Brazil. In fact, samba and bossa nova are immediately associated with symbols of Brazil and their cultural identity. It follows then, that no matter how much the world has changed through massively overlapping cultural borders, that this music has a purpose as a trace and a view into nationalism in Brazil. At its core, music provides an unusual lens into cultural identity. Its ethnologic elements provide a context for lived experiences and relationships, while reflecting the dynamics of political and economic issues at the time. Noel Rosa, Carmen Miranda, and Mario Andrade are very notable names in the contribution to the realm of Samba and the nationalistic image of Brazil. Noel Rosa is considered to be the father of samba and used it to show the Brazilian voice and way of life. Carmen Miranda helped bring this image to the United States so that the Brazilian image could be presented on a stage for the world to see. While Noel and Carmen both played significant roles in Brazilian identity and meshing it with that of Samba, Mario Andrade largely influence these writers to create music that was truly Brazilian so that they could share it with the western world. While both Rosa and Miranda sought to define a Brazilian identity through their music, their views regarding gender roles and audience were somewhat conflicting.

Gender Roles or Musical Impacts in Defining Brazilianness

    Noel Rosa dedicated his time to seeking out the national essence with which he would define Brazilianness. Rosa found this in samba, its musicians, and the poor areas of the lower middle class Rio de Janeiro. Noel Rosa was a particularly complicated individual in terms of gender equity. Rose thoroughly believed that women were purely distractions from that of the male dominated musical world. it would appear as though, Noel Rosa’s greatest quality is that

he has no interest in women: "When he writes a samba / it is an innovation...the brown

women of that place / live in lamentation / knowing that he does not want / to fall in love...

with a woman." (McCann, 2001: 9), this blatant, closed minded perspective completely shuns the idea that women are capable of anything other than fulfilling the role of a housewife, the Virgin Mary, or, as we know her, Amelia. Rosa’s view is so radical that it actually sets back a large amount of progress made by Chiquinha Gonzaga, whom of which we might be able to say give precedence to the achievements of Carmen Miranda.

           Carmen Miranda was a major recording star in her adopted homeland of Brazil long before most Americans had ever heard of her. Miranda, born in Portugal, clawed her way out of childhood poverty and not only was able to break into a heavily male dominated music business, but then embodied a Hollywood celebrity in the US on her way to become the highest paid women in the US in 1944 (Solberg, 1995). Miranda created a whole new image of women at the time and shattered the gender roles that Rosa had made known. “The Brazilian women who opened the twentieth century were delicate, susceptible, squeamish, always well dressed, and always feeling from men” (Gilman, 1998[1]). Miranda, on the other hand, embodied a seductive image for Brazilian women who meet men joyously while showing off her legs and cleavage.

    We see a vision of Carmen Miranda’s life in Helena Solberg’s “Bananas is my Business”, and within the film we observe the challenging of said gender roles in Samba. Solberg makes an argument about the gender roles in Brazil at the time of Carmen Miranda in many ways. In the biopic type of film, we also see a bias from the director, not that this bias makes her views incorrect or even skewed, this simply means that her depiction of Carmen Miranda cannot be absolutely certain of who she was or how she exactly lived. Solberg wanted to bring to fruition an idea that Carmen Miranda, though an angel to the American populace and the greatest “raw material” resource that Brazil had during her time, crossed many different concepts seeing as though she was the Virgin Mary, the Amelia but Carmen was also the Malandro and quite masculine. The explosion of Carmen Miranda’s popularity provided the American civilisation

She broke through the boundaries of what a woman was expected to do, as she was a samba icon, she “talked like a man”, and was not the typical housewife type. We observed in the film, “Bananas is my Business” that when Carmen was a child, she was depicted as the Virgin Mary, which is a common connection that Brazilians make with Amelia, or our housewife that does exactly what she is told and is always there to support the man, never to distract him. This depiction creates the conflict between who Carmen Miranda is in terms of how she is depicted, and how society should depict her. Chiquinha had tried to break into the music business earlier and faced numerous critics and hardships due to the fact that she was a female. Her family disowned her and she was considered a monster by others (Neder, 1988[2]). Gonzaga was recognized later on, but was not appreciated in her own time.

Cultural Identity of a Brazilian Class

In Brazil, Miranda was never considered to be part of the elite. She may have been a popular singer, who was backed by Gertulio Vargas at the time, but she interacted and drew attention from the lower Brazilian classes. The rich class did not care for her Brazilian images that concerned Africannness, as they felt she was encompassing those, “who did not matter”. Carmen was an idol to those people who the world saw as “real” Brazilians, the samba singers, the bahianos, and the black people of the northeast, all which demonstrate true Brazilian culture. She was then able to translate the black samba for a white audience. This is why Americans loved her while, the elite and wealthy of Brazil felt betrayed by her. This indicates a clash of cultures not between North and South America, but instead between classes in Brazil. However, Miranda’s image changed slightly when she moved. When Miranda went to the US, she became an oversexed, thickly-accented, living cartoon caricature. She became typecast for roles as such. With that said, she tried to resist the Americanization by speaking some Portuguese in her films and making fun of the way she spoke English. Although, successful in America (and earlier in Brazil), Miranda was scrutinized for becoming an “American” as depicted in her song, “They said that I came back Americanized”. The culture of Brazil is bathed in the idea, the image, that Carmen Miranda represents. Carmen’s tutti frutti hat, the way she performs Samba, and especially her demeanor in public, creates an interpretive function of Brazilian nationality which is quite reminiscent to the themes that Mario Andrade has been trying to portray ever since the Week of Modern Art in February of 1922 (Suarez and Tomlins).

Mario shows very similar characteristics to that of Carmen Miranda in the idea that the Brazilian culture expands beyond brackets, beyond classes, beyond the elite or the poor, the Africans, the Natives, and all other discrepancies that get in the way of the people of Brazil that unify under one nationality which is Brazilian. The media that Mario and Carmen share is writing and their works can be shared among the poor and the elite. Mario has public exhibitions of his poetry and inspires musicians to play and represent their culture in a public fashion, just as Carmen Miranda represents Brazilian culture that is easily heard by any and all who will accept her. Some might think that, in order to be exposed to Brazilian culture, one must pay nothing but this is not the case. To experience Brazilian culture, one must allocate the cost of what it truly means to be put out of a comfort zone and understand life between brackets, which is a price the entire country seems to be willing to pay. The cost of being Brazilian is a large dedication to the ideals of the local arena. In between brackets lies a culture so dependent on itself, that people would rather be oppressed by their government, starve, live in poverty, and die instead of sacrificing. Their faith in God, honor, and community is so strong that their faith in the system is truly diminished, something that American and European systems hold entirely absent.

Conclusion

    Brazil has seen a combination of many cultures throughout the years. Yet, it has always sought an image that was uniquely Brazilian. Miranda, Gonzaga, Andrade, and Rosa have all contributed to that image immensely. The influence of these Brazilians is so intense, that even today’s directors like Helena Solberg have dedicated much of their lives to constructing their vision. The music created by some of these individuals colored the narrative of Brazilians and their lives both at the individual and collective levels. It’s almost as if one can see the progression of Brazil occurring right in front of their eyes through their musical style and lyrical depiction. Music is a universal language, and is the driving force for these prominent Brazilians. However conflicting the views of their masters may have been, this has allowed gender roles to be redefined, class structures to be analyzed, and Brazil has placed its new image on the world’s stage for all to see.  

Work Cited Page

Carmen Miranda: Bananas Is My Business. Dir. Helena Solberg.  Perf. Helena Solberg, Eric Barreto, Cynthia Adler. (1995). Film.

Gilman, Bruce. “Viva Carmen!”. (1998). Web.

http://www.brazzil.com/musjun96.htm

McCann, Bryan. "Noel Rosa's Nationalist Logic." The University of Wisconsin Press Journals Division 38.1 (2001): 1-16. Print.

Neder, Alexander. “Chiquinha Gonzaga: Artist Biography”. (1988). Web.

http://www.allmusic.com/artist/chiquinha-gonzaga-mn0001918566/biography

Suarez, Jose, and Jack Tomlins. Mario de Andrade: The Creative Works. London: Associated University Presses, INC, 2000. Print.

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[1] http://www.brazzil.com/musjun96.htm

[2] http://www.allmusic.com/artist/chiquinha-gonzaga-mn0001918566/biography